Note: This is the fifth of a seven-part series mentioned in The Strongest Rope.
This post (and this blog) are named after a pivotal essay — Solving for Pattern — written by the gifted essayist, Wendell Berry. Berry writes about farming, but his argument transcends farming, and even ecology, as will become apparent. Berry begins “Solving for Pattern” as follows:
Our dilemma in agriculture now is that the industrial methods that have so spectacularly solved some of the problems of food production have been accompanied by “side effects” so damaging as to threaten the survival of farming. Perhaps the best clue to the nature and gravity of this dilemma is that it is not limited to agriculture. My immediate concern here is with the irony of agricultural methods that destroy, first, the health of the soil and, finally, the health of human communities. But I could just as easily be talking about sanitation systems that pollute, school systems that graduate illiterate students, medical cures that cause disease, or nuclear armaments that explode in the midst of the people they are meant to protect. This is a kind of surprise that is characteristic of our time: the cure proves incurable; security results in the evacuation of a neighborhood or a town. It is only when it is understood that our agricultural dilemma is characteristic not of our agriculture but of our time that we can begin to understand why these surprises happen, and to work out standards of judgment that may prevent them.
Following this opening, Berry goes on to identify three broad categories of solutions. It is worthwhile quoting him at length, at least in the beginning:
To the problems of farming, then, as to other problems of our time, there appear to be three kinds of solutions:
There is, first, the solution that causes a ramifying series of new problems, the only limiting criterion being, apparently, that the new problems should arise beyond the purview of the expertise that produced the solution — as, in agriculture, industrial solutions to the problem of production have invariably caused problems of maintenance, conservation, economics, community health, etc., etc.
If, for example, beef cattle are fed in large feed lots, within the boundaries of the feeding operation itself a certain factory-like order and efficiency can be achieved. But even within those boundaries that mechanical order immediately produces a biological disorder, for we know that health problems and dependence on drugs will be greater among cattle so confined than among cattle on pasture.
And beyond those boundaries, the problems multiply. Pen feeding of cattle in large numbers involves, first, a manure-removal problem, which becomes at some point a health problem for the animals themselves, for the local watershed, and for adjoining ecosystems and human communities. If the manure is disposed of without returning it to the soil that produced the feed, a serious problem of soil fertility is involved. But we know too that large concentrations of animals in feed lots in one place tend to be associated with, and to promote, large cash-grain monocultures in other places. These monocultures tend to be accompanied by a whole set of specifically agricultural problems: soil erosion, soil compaction, epidemic infestations of pests, weeds, and disease. But they are also accompanied by a set of agricultural-economic problems (dependence on purchased technology; dependence on purchased fuels, fertilizers, and poisons; dependence on credit) — and by a set of community problems, beginning with depopulation and the removal of sources, services, and market to more and more distant towns. And these are, so to speak, only the first circle of the bad effects of a bad solution. With a little care, their branchings can be traced on into nature, into the life of the cities, and into the cultural and economic life of the nation.
The second kind of solution is that which immediately worsens the problem it is intended to solve, causing a hellish symbiosis in which problem and solution reciprocally enlarge one another in a sequence that, so far as its own logic is concerned, is limitless — as when the problem of soil compaction is “solved” by a bigger tractor, which further compacts the soil, which makes a need for a still bigger tractor, and so on and on. There is an identical symbiosis between coal-fired power plants and air conditioners. It is characteristic of such solutions that no one prospers by them but the suppliers of fuel and equipment.
These two kinds of solutions are obviously bad. They always serve one good at the expense of another or of several others, and I believe that if all their effects were ever to be accounted for they would be seen to involve, too frequently if not invariably, a net loss to nature, agriculture, and the human commonwealth.
Such solutions always involve a definition of the problem that is either false or so narrow as to be virtually false. To define an agricultural problem as if it were solely a problem of agriculture — or solely a problem of production or technology or economics — is simply to misunderstand the problem, either inadvertently or deliberately, either for profit or because of a prevalent fashion of thought. The whole problem must be solved, not just some handily identifiable and simplifiable aspect of it.
Both kinds of bad solutions leave their problems unsolved. Bigger tractors do not solve the problem of soil compaction any more than air conditioners solve the problem of air pollution. Nor does the large confinement-feeding operation solve the problem of food production; it is, rather, a way calculated to allow large-scale ambition and greed to profit from food production. The real problem of food production occurs within a complex, mutually influential relationship of soil, plants, animals, and people. A real solution to that problem will therefore be ecologically, agriculturally, and culturally healthful.
Perhaps it is not until health is set down as the aim that we come in sight of the third kind of solution: that which causes a ramifying series of solutions – as when meat animals are fed on the farm where the feed is raised, and where the feed is raised to be fed to the animals that are on the farm. Even so rudimentary a description implies a concern for pattern, for quality, which necessarily complicates the concern for production. The farmer has put plants and animals into a relationship of mutual dependence, and must perforce be concerned for balance or symmetry, a reciprocating connection in the pattern of the farm that is biological, not industrial, and that involves solutions to problems of fertility, soil husbandry, economics, sanitation – the whole complex of problems whose proper solutions add up to health: the health of the soil, of plants and animals, of farm and farmer, of farm family and farm community, all involved in the same internested, interlocking pattern – or pattern of patterns.
A bad solution is bad, then, because it acts destructively upon the larger patterns in which it is contained. It acts destructively upon those patterns, most likely, because it is formed in ignorance or disregard of them. A bad solution solves for a single purpose or goal, such as increased production. And it is typical of such solutions that they achieve stupendous increases in production at exorbitant biological and social costs.
A good solution is good because it is in harmony with those larger patterns — and this harmony will, I think, be found to have a nature of analogy. A bad solution acts within the larger pattern the way a disease or addiction acts within the body. A good solution acts within the larger pattern the way a healthy organ acts within the body. But it must at once be understood that a healthy organ does not — as the mechanistic or industrial mind would like to say — “give” health to the body, is not exploited for the body’s health, but is a part of its health. The health of organ and organism is the same, just as the health of organism and ecosystem is the same. And these structures of organ, organism, and ecosystem — as John Todd has so ably understood — belong to a series of analogical integrities that begins with the organelle and ends with the biosphere.
Berry follows this analysis with an example, that of Earl F. Spencer’s farm in Palatine, New York. It is a compelling example, and you can read about it in the original essay, but I would like to present a different example. Wendell Berry’s argument about “good solutions,” in the context of farming, are reminiscent of the Amish. About the Amish, John Taylor Gatto observed in his article, Universal Education, that:
- Virtually every adult Amisher has an independent livelihood as the owner of a farm or a business. The success rate of Amish in small business is 95 percent compared to the rate nationally in the US of 15 percent.
- Quoting Don Kraybill: “[The Amish] challenge a lot of conventional assumptions about what it takes to enter business. They don’t have high school educations, they don’t have specialized training, they don’t use computers, they don’t use electricity or automobiles, they don’t have training in how to create a marketing plan. But the resources they transfer over from the farm are: an entrepreneurial spirit, a willingness to take risks, innovativeness, a strong work ethic, a cheap family labor pool, and high standards of craftsmanship. One of their values is smallness. They don’t want their shops and industries to get large. This spreads entrepreneurship widely across the whole settlement.”
- The Amish are legendary good neighbors, first to volunteer in times of outer-world need. They open their farms to ghetto children and frequently rear handicapped children from the non-Amish world nobody else wants. They farm so well and so profitably without using tractors, chemical fertilizers, or pesticides, that Mexico, Canada, Russia, France, and Uruguay have hired them as advisors on raising agricultural productivity.
It seems we could add the ways of the Amish to Wendell Berry’s short list of “good solutions.” (Berry’s description of good and bad solutions also resonates with the ideas of the anthropologist and cybernetician Gregory Bateson, but I will save that for another post.) Berry closes his essay with a list of 12 characteristics of good solutions. This is definitely worth reading, but I would like to present a different list, based on the work of Jim Collins. In 1999 Collins published a paper in the Harvard Business Review entitled “Turning goals into results: The power of catalytic mechanisms” (July-August 1999, available as Product Number 3960). In that paper Collins describes five characteristics of catalytic mechanisms, contrasting them with traditional mechanisms of managerial “control” (catalytic mechanisms, as defined here, are intrinsic to good solutions):
- Characteristic 1: A catalytic mechanism produces desired results in unpredictable ways. According to Collins, catalytic mechanisms produce variation, whereas traditional managerial mechanisms reduce variation while enlarging bureaucracy: “History shows us that organizations achieve greatness when people are allowed to do unexpected things — to show initiative and creativity, to step outside the scripted path. That is when delightful, interesting, and amazing results occur.”
- Characteristic 2: A catalytic mechanism distributes power for the benefit of the overall system, often to the great discomfort of those who traditionally hold power. Catalytic mechanisms enable people to do the right thing, and empower the organization to meet its goals: “When executives vest people with power and responsibility and step out of the way, vast reservoirs of energy and competence flow forth. Again we have a paradox: the more executives disperse power and responsibility, the more likely the organization is to reach its big, hairy, audacious goal.”
- Characteristic 3: A catalytic mechanism has teeth. According to Collins, “The fact is, executives spend hours drafting, redrafting, and redrafting yet again statements of core values, missions, and visions. This is often a very useful process, but a statement by itself will not accomplish anything. By contrast, a catalytic mechanism puts a process in place that all but guarantees that the vision will be fulfilled. A catalytic mechanism has a sharp set of teeth.” In short, a catalytic mechanism actually affects the way people work, by changing the contingencies of their work.
- Characteristic 4: A catalytic mechanism ejects viruses. Again, quoting Collins, “A lot of traditional controls are designed to get employees to act the `right’ way and do the `right’ things, even if they are not so inclined. Catalytic mechanisms, by contrast, help organizations to get the right people in the first place, keep them, and eject those who do not share the company’s core values.” As Collins has said in a later HBR paper, “First, get the right people on the bus.” When you have the right people on the bus, individual efforts are multiplied synergistically; when you don’t have the right people on the bus, you have what von Clausewitz called “friction.”
- Characteristic 5: A catalytic mechanism produces an ongoing effect. Quoting Collins: “Catalytic mechanisms differ fundamentally from catalytic events. A rousing speech to the troops, an electrifying off-site meeting, a euphoria-producing new buzzword, a new initiative or strategic imperative, an impending crisis — all of these are catalytic events, and some are useful. But they do not produce the persistent, ongoing effect of catalytic mechanisms.” Catalytic events prod and jolt the system, catalytic mechanisms transform the system.
I would like to close this post, which is already too long, with a few brief observations:
- I have reproduced the heart of Berry’s essay, despite its length, because it is perfect, and impossible to summarize effectively (I have tried, without success).
- I have used alternative examples — the ways of the Amish, Collins’ catalytic mechanisms — not because Berry’s examples are inadequate, but because I wanted to expand the scope of the argument.
- Collins’ list of catalytic mechanisms, superficially at least, might seem at odds with Berry’s notion of good solutions, but this is not the case: the contexts differ, but the fundamental principles are the same.
- The first of Berry’s “bad solutions” corresponds to what has been called the “Law of Unintended Consequences;” the second of Berry’s “bad solutions” corresponds to what has been called “positive feedback.”
- Berry and Collins both view systems (e.g., ecologies, organizations) as being complex, which is what gives many solutions, both good and bad, their explosive power (remember, in complex systems, small inputs can have large outputs).
- A related point is that these systems involve feedback processes, and as a result are intrinsically cybernetic.
- Berry’s and Collin’s analyses of “good solutions” can be easily framed in terms of ziran and wuwei, discussed in earlier posts within this series (I shall elaborate on these connections in subsequent posts).
- The question naturally arises, “How does one know, at the outset, what a good solution will look like?” My answer, in brief, is wisdom — which in my view derives from the first four principles, especially, of The Strongest Rope.
And what is wisdom? According to the ichthyologist David Starr Jordan:
Wisdom is knowing what to do next,
Skill is knowing how to do it,
And virtue is having the courage to do it.
Cheers,
David Cross
Fort Worth, Texas